By Luis López
During this quantity, Luis L?pez sheds new gentle on details constitution and makes an important contribution to paintings on grammatical operations within the Minimalist software. via a cautious research of dislocations and concentration fronting in Romance, the writer exhibits that notions akin to 'topic' and 'focus', as often outlined, yield no predictions and proposes as an alternative a characteristic procedure in keeping with the notions 'discourse anaphor' and 'contrast'. He offers an in depth version of syntax---information-structure interplay and argues that this interplay happens on the section point, with a privileged function for the sting of the section. extra, he investigates phenomena in regards to the syntax of items in Romance and Germanic - accusative A, p-movement, clitic doubling, scrambling, item shift - and exhibits that there are cross-linguistic correlations among syntactic configuration and specificity, self sufficient of discourse connectedness. the quantity ends with a longer research of the syntax of dislocations in Romance.
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Extra resources for A Derivational Syntax for Information Structure (Studies in Theoretical Linguistics)
The introduction of this proposition into the pragmatic component of the grammar triggers the following operations: 1. Pick the card for ‘john’ from the top of the Wle. 2. Enter the information ‘he likes cake’ on the card for ‘john’ (this is the update). 3. Open a new card, label it ‘cake’. Put it on top. 4. Enter ‘john likes it’ on this card (another update). It is important to note here that this approach to the notion ‘‘topic’’ does not render the notion equivalent to ‘‘anaphor’’. I deWne an anaphor as a constituent that necessarily looks for an antecedent in the previous discourse or the immediate context (See p.
Even constituents that would be considered ‘‘topics’’ because they are co-referent (but not anaphoric) with a constituent in the previous discourse would be [Àa]. CLLD, FF, and wh-phrases all move to the left periphery. I argue that they are all stacked as specs of Fin. In particular, I present empirical evidence based on ATB movement that these constituents could not have raised to a Spec,Top or Spec,Foc as in Rizzi’s (1997) model. ) a. [+c] is assigned to Spec,Fin. b. Default rule: complement of Fin is non-contrastive.
It is an answer to an explicit or implict whquestion). A contrastive focus is uttered when the previous discourse oVers no such variable: contrastive focus does not answer a wh-question. Thus, contrastive focus opens up a variable and simultaneously resolves it. More generally, I will adopt the proposal in Vallduvı´ and Vilkuna (1998) of assigning the label contrast to any constituent that opens up a domain of quantiWcation. 3 is devoted to dislocations. Dislocations are deWned as strong anaphors.